The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was regarded as among the most influential incumbents of that office in American history. Although countless vice-presidents had to settle for minor or figurehead positions, Cheney held huge sway during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was often referred to as the "actual president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and claimed the connection was more complex. He observed that Cheney was deferential, always addressing him in official appearances as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their association as a collaboration because it implied that they were on equal footing. Despite these objections, Cheney considered the laidback president malleable on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
The Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a faction of neo-cons that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been participating in a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the shooting down of any non-communicating planes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney said the attacks altered his perspective, causing him to be determined on retaliation. In conjunction with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Policies
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the waterboarding of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on misleading reports circulated by Cheney, was the correct decision. "It proved to be the right thing to do back then. I was convinced at the time and I maintain that stance presently."
Yet during that period, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the role. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and recklessness: at worst, deception, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had written a memorandum detailing situations in which national priorities might be endangered (encompassing "access to essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be positioned to operate alone when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," particularly mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the presidency somewhat determined on carrying out what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been fired by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been responsible for a plot to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore objected to that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a portrait of his father's visage that everyone had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous advocating striking Iraq, repeatedly citing information documents that were both insubstantial or entirely deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush government politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the use of simulated drowning and torture.
Answering a Senate report in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the findings as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and create programmes to catch the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in labels assigned to him by opponents such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 volume about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the background that remains unseen emerge from his lair? It's a advantageous way to work, actually."
Corporate Connections
Controversy over his corporate affiliations pursued him throughout his time as vice-president. While he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but strong connections in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum companies, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the presidency. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US contracts valued at billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the firm grew from his quarter-million dollars while military head to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package worth over $20m|twenty
